reciprocal - Dictionary Definition : piliciauskas.info
Reciprocal definition is - inversely related: opposite. 1: something in a reciprocal relationship to another Views expressed in the examples do not represent the opinion of Merriam-Webster or its editors. Kids Definition of reciprocal. In contrast, nonreciprocal electromagnetic propagation is commonly achieved based on the Zeeman effect, or modal splitting in ferromagnetic atoms induced by . We call this a reciprocal relationship. about what their children will or will not do because they have responsibility for the children's welfare. This question of abuse--how we define it and how we respond to it--is a theme of the next chapter.
Sharing time in activities provides a direct return to the parent that is characteristic of an investment strategy, whereas financial transfers provide a time-contingent return that is characteristic of an insurance mechanism. That affection triggers greater support to more functionally impaired mothers suggests that emotionally investing in children as a health insurance mechanism may be based on the greater moral equity accorded to mothers.
The motivation of adult children to provide social support to their older parents is partially rooted in earlier family experiences and guided by an implicit social contract that ensures long-term reciprocity. Studies in this area have examined balance or asymmetry in exchanges between generations at one point in time Antonucciacross a set of repeated cross-sectional assessments Morgan, Schuster, and Butlerand in the same individuals over time with retrospective reports Henretta, Hill, Li, Soldo, and Wolf ; Whitbeck, Simons, and Conger However, a life-course approach stressing the dynamic aspects of reciprocity calls for long-term data on intergenerational transfers from the same individuals over time.
This research addressed the basic question of why adult children provide support to their elderly parents. In the absence of bioevolutionary imperatives for such support reproductive goals are not at issue as they are for parental support to childrenone is directed toward explanations that derive from social theories, particularly as they relate to mechanisms of equity and reciprocity in interpersonal exchanges. We addressed this issue by turning attention to the historical antecedents of these later life relationships and proposed three models to explain the nature of the linkage between early involvement of parents and reciprocation by their children in the form of old-age support.
In these models support from children was conceptualized as a a return on an investment made earlier by the parent, b an insurance policy in which earlier transfers to the child are recovered by the parent under conditions of need, and c altruism and other nonreciprocal motivations on the part of the child.
Both investment and insurance models reflected motivations based on dynamics of lagged reciprocity. We defined lagged reciprocity as the circumstance when the provision of support to older parents was the fulfillment of an obligation to repay a social debt based on that parent's earlier transfers to the child.
An investment model held when earlier transfers to the child were unconditionally returned, and an insurance model was valid when earlier transfers to the child were returned only in the event of parental need.
Altruism and other nonreciprocal motivations were operating in families when adult children provided support to parents who made few intergenerational transfers to their children when they were younger. Our theoretical conceptualization integrated several disciplinary traditions in the study of intergenerational transfers within the family.
We employed complementary perspectives from sociology, social psychology, and economics to produce an empirical specification that was informed by the assumptions of each. We next review in greater detail the underpinnings of exchange theory as it pertains to the dynamics of long-term serial transfers in intergenerational family relationships. Exchange Theory Although economic exchange theory and social exchange theory have some differences, both share the premise that social relationships are governed by a norm of reciprocity—the expectation that a debt should be repaid Emerson ; Gouldner ; Molm and Cook In economic terminology, norms shape preferences in such a way as to make parental repayment preferable to nonrepayment i.
In terms of social exchange theory, adherence to norms grants the individual a social status within the group that confers rights, benefits, and prestige Homans In both contexts, norms enforce and reinforce acts of reciprocity and serve as the implicit reason why preferences for repayment exist at all. Here we review these two scholarly traditions with regard to their explanation of child-provided support to older parents.
Exchange models that derive from rational choice theory in classical microeconomics generally assume that individuals tend to engage in actions that maximize personal rewards and minimize personal costs Becker Some applications of economic exchange theory to families have focused on bequests a promised inheritance delayed until the parent's death as an asset that motivates children to provide social support to their elderly parents Cox ; Henretta et al.
Bernheim, Shleifer, and Summers extended this theory to the "strategic bequest" motive, where parents withhold intergenerational transfers until death as a means of maintaining a "bargaining chip" that can be played to obtain favors, assistance, and parent—child interaction.
This strategy may be especially salient later in life when elderly parents have little choice but to call on their children for such attention. Because the focus of our investigation was on serial patterns of inter vivos transfers, bequests were not specifically addressed. Further, it has been shown elsewhere Cox and Raines that inter vivos transfers make up the bulk of private transfers in the United States.
Still, the bequest motivation serves as a powerful metaphor for understanding how intergenerational transfers are guided by principles of exchange and reciprocity.
Several other theories in the rational choice tradition of microeconomics have stressed self-interested motivations in intergenerational transfers: Becker described how superficially altruistic behavior can be manifested even by a rotten or selfish child. In our application, this may occur if the putatively selfish or rotten child has transferred resources to an altruistic parent one for whom the utility function of that child is an argument in his or her utility function.
Under these conditions, the rotten child expects that the parent will redistribute resources to compensate for his or her sacrifice. The demonstration effect proposes that adult children have an incentive to support their aging parents to demonstrate to their own children the importance of providing such support, from which they hope to eventually benefit Cox and Stark In this formulation, adult children are behaving in a manner that will indirectly provide rewards as a form of generalized exchange.
Although self-interested motivations are useful for understanding the mutuality of more immediate intergenerational exchanges, they tend to minimize the importance of giving and receiving over the history of these long-term relationships. In this investigation we focused on serial patterns of inter vivos transfers over the life course of the parent—child relationship.
Our models tested the assumption that the intergenerational contract, enforced by the norm of reciprocity, compels adult children to repay long-term social debts to their parents. Thus, any immediate "leverage" wielded by parents to control the actions of children as is suggested in the case of bequests gives way to obligations based on a "fairness" norm—the notion that social and economic debts should be repaid.
In another sense, the benefits of meeting the expectation to reciprocate are intrinsic to the importance placed on continuing the relationship amicably. Where microeconomics tends to focus only on the exchange transactions themselves, social exchange theory incorporates the relationship between the exchange partners, their history of transactions, and their mutual interdependence into its framework.
Molm and Cook p. Giving to others and building an obligation for later repayment is considered the social glue out of which emerges small group stability—including family solidarity Homans Mutual dependence builds cohesion in relationships with high levels of primacy and to which there are few alternatives, such as those that tend to be found in families Emerson In addition, sociologists extend classical economic exchange theory by proposing that resources other than financial assets can be used as a currencies of exchange Emerson ; Homans Social exchange theorists have argued that the norm of reciprocity is a principle of obligation to repay, in some fashion, the receipt of valued assets, services, or sentiments Gouldner Thus, approval, affirmation, and emotional support—if they are valued resources when provided by that particular partner—tend to attract reciprocation.
This reciprocation need not be immediate or made in units equivalent to the initial investment for the exchange to be considered balanced over the long term Hollstein and Bria For instance, parental investments of time or emotion in their dependent children may later be reciprocated with instrumental forms of assistance from them as adults.
A general model of exchange. Thus, economists and sociologists incorporate self-interested motivations and the norm of reciprocity in social exchanges between generations.
Both would argue that adult children feel that a they should repay parents for transfers made to them earlier in life and b their repayment to parents should be proportional to what they received. They have formed an agreement that constructs a reciprocal relationship. Henry will work eight hours a day with a 15 minute break in the morning and another one in the afternoon.
He gets a half hour for lunch, paid sick leave after three months, and vacation after a year. His quota is widgets a day. He is to tell Frank if there is anything wrong with the widget machine and to call if he is going to be late. Frank has a right to know if the widget machine is acting up. Henry has a responsibility to tell him if there is anything wrong with the widget machine.
reciprocity - Dictionary Definition : piliciauskas.info
Frank has the right to know because he has a responsibility to support the welfare of the company which gives Henry his paycheck. Henry has a right to a paycheck. Frank has a responsibility to pay him. Henry has a right to a paycheck because he is responsible for creating the product that keeps the company financially solvent.
Frank has a right to know how many widgets Henry has made in a given day. Henry has a responsibility to tell him. Frank has a right to know because he is responsible for maintaining sufficient output such that the company can continue to employ Henry.
Their relationship is constructed out of a set of understandings that balance rights and responsibilities. If Henry starts showing up late, Frank is going to feel taken advantage of. Henry is not keeping to the agreement. If Henry starts making more than widgets a day, he is going to start thinking about getting a raise. He is being more responsible so he should get more rights. Their capacity to maintain a healthy relationship depends on their ability to clarify and adjust the agreement so that they maintain the balance of rights and responsibilities.
If they are unable to do so Henry will get fired or he will quit. The relationship will collapse. There is often a hierarchy in reciprocal relationships. In this case Frank is the boss and Henry the employee. Frank has a kind of authority which comes from his rank as the boss. Henry may have a sense that Frank has all of the power but Frank knows better. He knows that if his workers don't show up he is going to have to answer to the owner.
Frank has rights Henry doesn't have, but he also has responsibilities Henry may not even know about. Mutual Relationships As we are all humans we all have human rights and, thus, we have the same rights. We all have the same rights and responsibilities. But beyond that, we sometimes consciously construct relationships around a set of rules or understandings that spell out the ways that we each have the same rights and responsibilities.
Take the players on a baseball team. All of them have the same rights and responsibilities. Each has a right to a turn at bat. Each has a responsibility to field the ball. They may decide to play different positions with different expectations about what each position's responsibilities are, but the players can switch positions. Neither our relationships nor we are static, but dynamic developmental processes from the earliest childhood until our death.
While symmetrical and complementary reciprocity are interactions between the same people who exchange different kinds of transactions, can generalized, waived, constructed [ 1920 ], and stepwise reciprocity [ 21 ] be directed towards other people than to the providers of benefits. While generalized reciprocity is described as an altruistic characteristic of networks where given support is not expected to be returned in the same proportion and from the same people, was constructed reciprocity mainly used where the caregiver had had a long-lasting relationship to the care recipient.
This type of reciprocity form was mainly used in relation to confused and ambiguous persons where the caregiver most often had to interpret the recipient's nonverbal communication about their needs. Waived reciprocity occurred when expectations of immediate reciprocity were relinquished.
The caregiver had an open-ended time period in their reciprocity assessment and some caregivers did not expect reciprocity at all [ 1920 ]. In stepwise reciprocity does the assistance from the caregiver go from the recipients to some new receiver and not back to the original provider of the support received [ 21 ]. Search Strategy and Selection Criteria The identified studies focused mainly on the relationship between reciprocity and continuity and between reciprocity and mental health in the social relationships of older people.
The empirical studies accessed for this paper were identified both by references in published articles and by a literature search using the following key words individually and in combination: The keywords for our literature search were located in the abstracts of the articles. The following OVID databases were searched: Both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies published in English, on elderly people aged 50 years or more, were included in this paper.
All the studies identified in our literature search were included without any quality assessment procedure performed in the selection of the studies.
This was because our literature search revealed a lack of research and published studies in this particular field of interest. The literature search had no limitations on publishing years. Twenty studies were identified. Twelve of these investigated the relationship between reciprocity and continuity in elders' social relations, and eight studies focused on the relationship between reciprocity and mental health. Empirical studies on relationships between reciprocity and mental health between professionals and elderly patients have not been included due to the difference in topic.
Reciprocity and Relational Continuity 2. Life-Course Reciprocity Evens Out Present and Prior Reciprocal Imbalances Different kinds of social support emotional and instrumental support, social companionship are exchanged in different ways according to the particular relationship.
For example, social support types differ between spouses, children, and friends [ 22 ]. This may imply that the reciprocity norm is practiced in different ways according to multifactor situations and therefore must be taken into account when seeking to understand the relationship of reciprocity to the continuity of elderly adults' social relationships. Relational continuity seems to be a basic need in the lives of people and families, based on a universal and cross-cultural human expectation [ 23 ].
Stable social relationships seems to be important due to the impact of social relationships on an individual's somatic and mental health [ 124 ].
Eight studies were found focusing on the relation between reciprocity and continuity in elders' social relationships [ 725 — 31 ].
The studies of Silverstein et al. Five in-depth interviews of respondents older than 50 years of age were conducted over a 5-year period. This study focused particularly on how the culture-specific conceptions of mutual assistance reflected the nature of social exchange and its role in creating continuity in family relationships. Intergenerational reciprocity was found to be assumed for continuity of intergenerational relationships [ 2526 ]. Adult children's earlier family experiences, particularly of emotional and social activities with their parents during their growing-up period, proved to be investments in reciprocal activities and support from the same children toward their elderly and retired parents when age-related needs for help, support, and company emerged among elders [ 25 ].
Therefore, children's motivation to provide social support to their older parents seems to be rooted in earlier childhood experiences with their parents. However, Becker et al. A breakdown of mutual assistance across generations was also found if there was a shift in the extended family away from cultural values supporting traditional family patterns. In two longitudinal studies, Klein Ikkink and van Tilburg investigated whether reciprocity predicted continuity in elderly people's social relationships and prevented termination of elders' ties in [ 27 ] and [ 28 ] elderly Dutch men and women living independently mean age, 68 years.
The respondents were drawn from the population registers of 11 municipalities representing differences in culture, religion, urbanization, and aging in the Netherlands. Eight types of relationships were included in their studies. The studies of Klein Ikkink and van Tilburg demonstrated that relationships among close kin are most likely to be continued, whereas more peripheral relationships are more vulnerable to termination [ 2728 ].
Over a year, unbalanced relationships became more balanced; the initially balanced ties still remained balanced, as well. However, even if being overbenefited by their close kin was experienced as an uncomfortable situation, it did not represent a threat to the continuity of the relationship, probably due to the norm that reciprocity cannot be fully applied between elderly people and their children [ 27 ].
Being overbenefited of instrumental support from family members—having a reciprocal imbalance in the present—seems to restore and even out earlier imbalances between close family members that may have been caused by past overbenefiting of instrumental support toward family.
This practical help provided by close kin relationships made elderly people more independent toward their friends.
According to the relationship type, the spousal relations were found to be most reciprocal compared with other relational types [ 29 ]. While life-course reciprocity seems to be more difficult to practice in relation to friends or others who are known for shorter periods of time, spouses and children adopt a perspective of life-course reciprocity [ 7 ]. Even if the relationships change due to the aging of the persons involved and their independent life experiences, parents and children usually remain in each other's relational convoys [ 29 ].
With the exception of spouses, both relationships with children and friends were perceived as somewhat less reciprocal. Overall, the equity theory perspective the need for balanced reciprocal relationships was more important for adults in relation to their children than their spouses, where greater imbalance was tolerated. Lewittes [ 30 ] examined the relation between reciprocity and the duration of elders' friendships in her cross-sectional study of friendship patterns and interaction skills among white and black elderly women, older than 65 years of age, living in the suburban and urban neighborhoods of Long Island and the greater New York City area.
This study provides interesting information about presuppositions for the development of reciprocity in friendship relationships for elderly women. Similarities in ethnic membership, social class, and age all contributed to the likelihood of a reciprocal pattern. Reciprocal relationships seemed to include both similar and complementary exchanges.